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“Between Wisdom and Folly”

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This cartoon caricatures the dilemma that Senator Charles Sumner of
Massachusetts faced in deciding whether to endorse Horace Greeley, the
presidential nominee of the breakaway Liberal-Republicans, soon to be
nominated by the Democratic Party as well. A leader in the
abolitionist and black civil rights movements, the senator stands between
Lady Liberty (“Wisdom”) and Greeley (“Folly), who holds a
jester’s stick. It was
not until the end of July, about a month after this post-dated cartoon
appeared, that Sumner finally endorsed Greeley for president.
A graduate of Harvard Law
School and a protégé of Justice Joseph Story, Sumner became active in
several reform efforts during the 1840s, such as public education, prison
reform, and the antiwar movement (including opposition to the War with
Mexico). Most of all, he lent his time and considerable
talents to the antislavery movement.
In politics, he sided first with the “Conscience” Whigs who
opposed both slavery and the accommodating views of the “Cotton”
Whigs, and then he helped form the Free Soil party in 1848.
He spoke out against “the lords of the lash and lords of the
loom”; that is, the financial ties between Southern slaveowners and
Northern industrialists. He also worked to defeat racial discrimination in the North.
In 1849, he represented in court a group trying (unsuccessfully
as it turned out) to integrate the public schools in Boston.
In 1851, a coalition in the Massachusetts legislature of Free Soilers
and Democrats elected Sumner to fill the U.S. Senate seat of Daniel
Webster, who had resigned to become secretary of state.
An opponent of the Compromise of 1850, Sumner tried to repeal its
Fugitive Slave Act. He argued that the intention of the
constitutional framers had been to leave the states as the “guardians
of Personal Liberty," thus forcing state governments to cooperate
in the return of runaway slaves was unconstitutional.
His talent for oratory quickly made him the major antislavery
voice in the Senate. After
Congress opened the Western territories to the possibility of slavery in
the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, Sumner joined other Free-Soil Democrats
and Conscience Whigs to establish the antislavery Republican Party.
When Kansas became embroiled in violence between pro- and antislavery
forces, Sumner delivered a stinging attack from the floor of the Senate.
His speech-“The Crime against Kansas”-used vitriolic
rhetoric, focusing particular venom on fellow-Senator Andrew Butler of
South Carolina, who was tarred as “mistress” to the “harlot
Slavery.” In retaliation,
Butler’s nephew, Congressman Preston Brooks, found Sumner seated at
his desk on the Senate floor and beat the senator unconscious with his
cane. The incident raised
Sumner to the status of antislavery martyr.
He was absent from the Senate for over three years, yet
Massachusetts refused to replace him.
Butler, meanwhile, became a hero to many in the South for
upholding the honor of his family and region.
Returning to the Senate in 1859, Sumner continued where he left
off with a four-hour antislavery harangue, “The Barbarism of
Slavery.”
At the onset of the Civil War Sumner began pushing for emancipation
of the slaves. While
lobbying Lincoln for sweeping action, he drafted legislation that
undermined the institution of slavery incrementally. The
senator also helped convince the president to use black troops in the
Union war effort. As
chairman of the important Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Sumner
sparred with Secretary of State William Henry Seward for control of the
administration’s foreign policy.
On the issue of Reconstruction, Sumner was a radical who pushed for
treating the former Confederate territory as conquered land to which the
federal government could dictate with few restrictions. He was dissatisfied with Lincoln’s mild reconstruction
proposals and later became a chief adversary of President Andrew
Johnson’s policies, leading the call for the latter’s impeachment
and removal. Sumner, a key
voice for black Americans, drafted or sponsored the major civil rights
legislation of the period.
Sumner stood firm against the expansionist and interventionist
foreign policy of Republican President Ulysses S. Grant (1869-1877).
He used his chairmanship of the Foreign Relations Committee to
stop the Grant administration’s planned annexation of Santo Domingo
and their formal recognition of the Cuban faction rebelling against
Spanish rule. In response,
the Grant administration orchestrated Sumner’s removal as the
committee’s chair.
Sumner was disgruntled
not only by Grant’s foreign policy, but by the president’s hesitancy
on civil service reform and the administration’s apparent corruption.
Liberal Republicans pressured the Massachusetts senator to support their
rebellion against Grant. However,
Sumner's concern for his own failing health and his urgent desire to
secure congressional passage of civil rights and amnesty legislation
left him little time or inclination to participate in the movement. In addition, he feared it could only injure his most
cherished objectives if the Liberals aligned later with the Democrats.
Finally, on July 29, Sumner wrote an open letter to black voters,
published in newspapers across the country, in which he asked them to
support the Greeley ticket. He
then left the United States for a vacation in Europe.
After the 1872 election ended in Grant's reelection,
Sumner continued to use his Senate seat to work for racial equality.
As he had done in the previous session of Congress, Sumner
introduced a civil rights bill that aimed to outlaw racial
discrimination in public accommodations. Shortly after his death in
1874, the outgoing Republican Congress passed a watered-down version of
his bill as the Civil Rights Act of 1875.
The U.S. Supreme Court, though, ruled the law unconstitutional in
1883.
Robert C. Kennedy
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