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“Cipher Mumm(er)y"

Exhumed by the New York Tribune

The
outcome of the presidential election of 1876 became uncertain when both
Republicans and Democrats claimed victory in four states—Florida,
Louisiana, South Carolina, and Oregon.
The Electoral College controversy
was eventually
resolved in favor of Republican Rutherford B. Hayes by a special
commission on the eve of the March 1877 inauguration.
Democrats charged that their candidate, Governor Samuel J. Tilden
of New York, had been cheated out of the office, even though they had
promoted the process that, to their surprise, put Hayes in the White
House.
In May 1878, the
Democratically-controlled House of Representatives began an
investigation into the fraud allegations, hoping to embarrass the
president and collect political ammunition against the Republican Party.
On the contrary, the hearings produced no substantial evidence
against the Republicans. However,
in the fall of 1878, the New York Tribune published coded
telegrams, which its journalists had deciphered, between Tilden’s
nephew, Colonel William T. Pelton, and other Democrats, revealing
attempts to bribe election officials in order to win victory for the
Democratic nominee. Here,
cartoonist Thomas Nast reacts to the Tribune’s exposé by
depicting Tilden as an ancient Egyptian mummy, whose sarcophagus is
covered with secret code words (ciphers).
Democrats complained about the
1876 election throughout the first year of the Hayes presidency,
labeling the Republican president, “his fraudulency.”
When Tilden returned from a European trip in October 1877, the
failed Democratic nominee credited his loss to “a great fraud, which
the American people have not condoned and never will condone—never,
never, never.” Joining
the Democratic chorus were discontented Republicans, such as Senators
William Chandler and Roscoe Conkling, who were unhappy with the
president’s policies on patronage and the South.
In January 1878, Montgomery Blair, a Maryland legislator who had
served as U.S. postmaster general during the Lincoln administration,
called for a lawsuit to overturn the Electoral Commission’s decision.
On May 17, 1878, the U.S. House passed a resolution, introduced
by Congressman Clarkson N. Potter
of New York, to
investigate the fraud allegations.
The eleven-member Potter
Committee was stacked with political enemies of President Hayes, but the
investigation unified the divided Republicans.
On the other hand, it divided the Democrats.
Some, like Blair, wished to oust the president; most wanted
simply to injure Hayes politically and gain a political weapon; a few
agreed with Congressman Alexander Stephens
of Georgia, who
characterized the investigation as “most unwise, most unfortunate, and
most mischievous.” Since
Hayes was confident in his own innocence and that of his party, he
seemed little worried. But
he denounced the probe as a partisan and revolutionary proceeding,
vowing never to leave office except through the constitutional method of
impeachment. He also
predicted accurately that the Potter Committee would stir up more
trouble for the Democrats.
Before the committee, a
Republican election official in Louisiana claimed that Treasury
Secretary John Sherman (then, a senator) had sent him a letter offering
a patronage appointment in return for throwing out Democratic votes.
Sherman forcefully denied the charge, and the correspondence was
soon proven to be a forgery. That
revelation, combined with the president’s openness and the weakness of
the witnesses against the Republicans, caused the Potter Committee’s
investigation to flounder. On
June 14, a coalition of Republicans and moderate Democrats passed
resolutions preventing the presidential election from being overturned
by Congress, the federal courts, or a federal commission.
By late June, public sentiment reflected Sherman’s observation
that the Potter inquiry was “fizzling out.”
A different investigation,
though, was just beginning. The
New York Tribune learned that a Senate committee had possession
of a series of cipher (or coded) telegrams that had passed between
Colonel William T. Pelton, Tilden’s nephew, Manton Marble, the editor
of the Democratic New York World, and election officials in the
three Southern states with disputed returns. In August 1878, the Tribune started printing
selections from the cipher telegrams, making the most of its discovery
by translating bits and pieces of the telegrams and publishing them over
time. On Monday morning,
October 7, the Tribune published the first major disclosure,
showing an offer from Marble (code name:
Moses) and another from C. W. Wooley (code name:
Fox) to bribe election officials.
Using bold headlines and extra pages, the newspaper explained who
wrote the telegrams, and how it acquired and deciphered them.
So that there would be no questions about accuracy, the Tribune
published the originals coded telegrams, the key to the code, and the
translated messages.
Nast had portrayed Tilden as a
mummy in an earlier cartoon to emphasize the Democrat’s advanced age
and infirmity. In this
featured cartoon, Nast continues that theme, but, more importantly here,
also uses the symbol to caricature the clandestine conspiracy by
inscribing the sarcophagus with cryptograms, including “Moses” and
“Fox,” in the guise of ancient Egyptian hieroglyphs.
Three of the encoded telegrams appear on the front of the
sarcophagus. The use of "mumm(er)y" in the title plays upon Nast's symbol for Tilden as well as ridicules the cipher ploy as an absurd and pretentious endeavor. It may also mock Tilden's posture of keeping stoically silent--mum--during the Electoral College controversy.
In the upper-left, the artist
ridicules the New York Democratic platform’s statement against the
Electoral Commission’s decision in 1877. Symbols of Tilden’s wealth, such as his barrel of money
(lower-right), take on connotations of massive corruption.
Although he helped topple the corrupt Tweed Ring, Tilden is here
associated with it in several places, including Mayor A. Oakey Hall’s
naïve assurance that the Tweed Ring (which, here, becomes the Cipher
Telegrams) scandal “will all blow over.” In late 1876, Henry Watterson, the strident editor of the Louisville
Courier-Journal, threatened that the Democrats would march 100,000
men to Washington if Tilden were not declared the winner. Here, on the center-left, Nast impishly wonders whether the
number refers, not to men, but to money for bribery.
The New York Tribune’s
exposé forced the Potter Committee to investigate the cipher telegrams.
In January 1879, Colonel Pelton and Smith Weed of South Carolina
(whose name appears on the upper-right of the sarcophagus) both
confessed to their involvement in a bribery scheme to buy the election
for Tilden. Pelton admitted
further that his uncle Tilden had chastised him in November 1876 for the
colonel’s role in the South Carolina bribery attempt.
On the other hand, Marble claimed that his telegrams were
“danger signals,” not discussions of vote buying.
In February, the Democratic nominee himself, shaken and feeble,
appeared before the committee to deny participating in the bribery
conspiracy, and no direct evidence has ever linked him to it.
There are, however, several
factors that raise the possibility of Tilden’s knowledge or even his
collusion. Pelton lived
with his uncle at 15 Gramercy Park (note the keyhole on the
sarcophagus), from where the colonel sent and received the cipher
telegrams, and Tilden, a highly skilled corporation lawyer, had a
reputation for detailed observation.
The system of ciphers was the same code that Tilden used in his
business transactions. Some
of the telegrams were addressed to “Russia” (note the bottom of the
sarcophagus), the code name for Tilden, from his personal friends.
Those with whom Pelton negotiated assumed that he was acting on
behalf of his uncle, who was presumed to be the source of his funds.
Nevertheless, the Potter Committee unanimously declared
Tilden’s innocence.
However, the revelations in the
cipher telegrams and the ensuing investigation ruined Tilden’s changes
for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1880, and removed any
chance that the Democrats could use the issue of vote fraud against the
Republicans in the next election.
Robert C. Kennedy
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